‘It has not
ruined my life; it has made my life better’: a qualitative investigation of the
experiences and future aspirations of young mothers from the North West of
England
Abstract
Background
Teenage pregnancy has been portrayed as problematic and leading to negative
long-term health outcomes. However, this assumption has been questioned. This
qualitative study explores the experiences and future aspirations of teenage
mothers in North West England.
Methods
Ten in-depth qualitative interviews were conducted with teenage mothers
recruited from children's centres located in deprived areas.
Results
The young mothers felt motherhood was a positive experience, which provided
them with a valued social role. Within the communities they lived, they felt
well supported. For many of the young mothers, dislike of school had occurred
pre-pregnancy and becoming a mother had led the young women to reassess the
value of education and employment. However, in common with many older mothers,
while their child is young they choose to prioritize motherhood. The young
women relied heavily upon family and the support of trusted professionals.
Conclusions
Motherhood can be a positive experience that makes sense in the lives of young
women from disadvantaged backgrounds. To be effective, policy must recognize
the valued social role motherhood provides for these young women. The negative
long-term outcomes observed may largely be a result of their disadvantaged
position within society and this should be the focus of interventions.
Introduction
Teenage pregnancy and parenthood are often
viewed as public health problems and as such are the focus of policy concern.
This is particularly true of the UK, where teenage pregnancy rates are higher
than in other Western European countries,1 and decreasing the
rates of teenage pregnancy has been the target of government health policies
for the past three decades.2,3
Previous UK policy has linked teenage
pregnancy to negative long-term health outcomes and social exclusion.3 However, this view has
been challenged.4–6 Measuring the impact
of having a baby at a young age is complex. It is true that teenage pregnancy
is associated with a variety of socioeconomic, educational and health
indicators of social exclusion; however, association does not prove causation.
Young women from disadvantaged backgrounds are more likely to have a baby while
a teenager7,8 and therefore it is
hard to establish whether becoming a young mother leads to poor outcomes in
terms of health, education and employment or whether the poor outcomes and
teenage pregnancy are both a result of pre-pregnancy disadvantage. More
sophisticated quantitative studies have taken a ‘natural experiment’ approach
controlling for both observable and unobservable factors, which may predispose
young women to teenage motherhood.9–12 A systematic review
of these studies found that having a baby as a teenager was associated with
less long-term negative outcomes for the mother and her child(ren) than
previous studies had suggested.4
Furthermore, some qualitative studies,
which explore the perspectives of the young mothers themselves, challenge
negative depictions of teenage motherhood and suggest that becoming a mother
may be a positive experience for young women, especially those from
disadvantaged backgrounds.13–16 These qualitative
studies reveal that in the face of factors which made their lives difficult,
young mothers work to develop and sustain ‘resilient mothering practices’.17
Previous policy in the UK was successful
in reducing the under 18 conception rate, and recognized that as not all
teenage pregnancies can be prevented effective polices to support young parents
must also be implemented.3 More recently, the UK
Government has decided not to continue with a national teenage pregnancy
strategy and has instead chosen to give local areas independence to promote
policies that reduce teenage pregnancies and support young parents in their
areas. Intervening in a positive way in the lives of young mothers is a
challenging task and how best to improve long-term outcomes remains an
important question for local decision makers. Qualitative research offers a
means through which real-life experiences can be taken into account in relation
to policy-making.
This study aims to explore the experiences
of young mothers living in a deprived area of the UK with the overall aim of
informing effective future local polices to support young mothers (Box 1).
Box
1
Summary of the experience of being a young mother
The mother identity
Motherhood is a symbolic identity which
provides a valued social role
Prioritize motherhood over other roles
Role as mother provides the young women
with sense of self-worth and resilience in the face of material hardship
Stress their competency as good mothers
despite their young age
Stigma
Aware of negative depiction of young
mothers within wider society and media
Experience of negative reactions when
out with children from strangers
Feel unfairly judged due to young age
Defensive about dependence upon welfare
benefits, stress this is a temporary situation
Negative judgements reinforces
motherhood identity
Social support
Young motherhood is normal within local
communities in which the young women live
Loss of contact with friends who do not
have children
Build new social support networks around
mother identity
Have strong family support networks
Value support from trusted professionals
Future aspirations related to education,
training and employment
Dislike of school often occurs
pre-pregnancy
Becoming a mother leads to a feeling of
increased maturity and motivation to succeed
Conflict between motherhood role and
taking up opportunities in education, training and employment
Childcare costs are a barrier to taking
up opportunities
Methods
In order to explore the young mothers'
experiences and perspectives, a qualitative approach was used. This research
was conducted from a social constructionist and symbolic interactionist
perspective. Social constructionism informs us that motherhood is a socially
constructed concept,18 while a symbolic
interactionist perspective allows a focus on how the young mothers interpret
their lives. The young mothers' construction and understanding of the reality
of their lives will differ from the perspective of others. Conducting the study
from this theoretical approach therefore allows a focus upon how the young
mothers construct and maintain their identities and how this impacts upon their
behaviour, choices and actions.19
Ethical approval was obtained from the
University of Liverpool prior to commencing field work. A purposive sample of
young mothers was recruited via two children's centres located in deprived
areas with high rates of teenage pregnancy in the North West of England. Young
mothers who attended drop-in sessions were provided with information regarding
the study by children's centre staff. The young mothers then volunteered for
the study. All the young mothers recruited were from poorer backgrounds and
were White British in origin (see Table 1). Names have been changed to
maintain anonymity. No participants dropped out of the study.
Table 1
Details of interview participants
|
Age at the time of interview
|
Children
|
Partner status
|
Educational achievements
|
Household type
|
|
|
Chloe
|
18
|
5-month-old
girl
|
Single
|
GCSEs
|
Lives with
family
|
|
Emily
|
19
|
15-month-old
boy
|
Single
|
GCSEs,
diploma in horse management
|
Lives with
son in council house
|
|
Jessica
|
17
|
7-month-old
boy
|
In
relationship with father of child
|
GCSEs
|
Lives with
family
|
|
Lucy
|
16
|
8-month-old
boy
|
Single
|
None
|
Lives with
family
|
|
Emma
|
18
|
6-month-old
girl
|
In
relationship with father of child
|
GCSEs
|
Lives with
daughter in council flat
|
|
Megan
|
19
|
24–month-old
boy
|
In
relationship with father of child
|
GCSEs, NVQ
hairdressing
|
Lives with
partner and son in private house
|
|
Lauren
|
18
|
3-month-old
girl and 19-month-old boy
|
In
relationship with father of child
|
None
|
Lives with
partner and children in private house
|
|
Hannah
|
18
|
5-month-old
boy
|
In
relationship with father of child
|
GCSEs, NVQ
hairdressing
|
Lives with
partner and son in private house
|
|
Sophie
|
19
|
9-month
old boy and currently 21 weeks pregnant
|
In
relationship with father of children
|
GCSEs
|
Lives with
son in council house
|
|
Amy
|
19
|
18-month
old girl and currently 36 weeks pregnant
|
In
relationship with father of child
|
GCSEs
|
Lives with
son in council house
|
E.A. conducted in-depth interviews with 10 young
mothers in a private room in the children centre setting. Each interview lasted
around 1h and comprised discussions covering (i) their experience of being a
young mother, (ii) their social support networks and (iii) their future
aspirations in relation to education, training and employment. Interviews were
digitally recorded (with permission) and transcribed verbatim. Transcripts were
returned to the research participants to validate that it reflected their
perspectives.
Box
2
Further examples of participant's comments on key themes: Mother identity
Role as mother provides the young women
with sense of self-worth and resilience in the face of material hardship
‘I have found it really hard especially
as I don't have much money, I am counting the pennies to buy nappies and
clothes, and all the money I have goes on him. But you just learn to cope. You
just learn to get on with it and think well this is my life now’ (Hannah,
18 years old, with 5 month old boy).
Stress their competency as good mothers
despite their young age
‘I love my baby like a 32 year old woman
would love their baby. I just don't see what the difference is. It is just cos
I have got a baby younger than they did. I have got a baby and then once she is
older I have got the rest of my life to live, it has not ruined my life at all
it has made my life better’ (Amy, 19 years old, with 18 month old daughter
and 36 weeks pregnant).
Box
3
Further examples of participant's comments on key themes: Stigma
Aware of negative depiction of young
mothers in society
‘I think the only time you hear about a
young mum is about something negative. You don't hear this young mum has done
this good thing, you only hear oh look at this young mum she has been caught
stealing or not looking after her child. You never see anything positive about
them you only see the negatives’ (Lauren, 18 years old, with 19 month old
son and 11 week old daughter).
Experience of negative reactions when out
with children from strangers
‘Yeah when you are on the bus, and they
look at you and they think look at her with that baby she probably doesn't look
after him, and I do, do you know what I mean, and they look at you, especially
old women, they look at you as if to say that is disgusting’ (Jessica, 17
years old, with 7 month old son).
Negative judgements experienced reinforce
mother identity
‘My sister is older than me and she lost
her baby because she couldn't look after her. But I am completely different to
that and I am a lot younger than her, so people shouldn't judge you because of
your age. It just depends on the person I think’ (Emma, 18 years old, with
6 month old daughter).
Box
4
Further examples of participant's comments on key themes: social support
Loss of contact with friends who do not
have children
‘I mean it is very easy to get isolated
because you don't want to go out with your old friends anymore because the baby
is your life and like your responsibility’ (Chloe, 18 years old, with 5
month old daughter).
Strong reliance on family support
‘It is hard at the moment finding enough
money. I can't really do with the £40. So my mum and his dad help me with it
because otherwise I don't know what I would do? That is why people definitely
don't have babies for the benefits, cos you couldn't live on the benefits’ (Jessica,
17 years old, with 7 month old son).
Importance of new support networks based
around mother identity
‘The drop in sessions are great, I have
met lots of new friends. You can talk about the same things and you have all
got the same things in common, like you have all got babies like around similar
ages, so like you can just have a good chat’ (Lucy, 16 years old, with 8
month old son).
Box
5
Further examples of participant's comments on key themes: future aspirations
Becoming a mother leads to a feeling of increased
maturity and motivation to succeed
‘It hasn't changed my plans it has just
postponed them by a little bit. It has made me think seriously about a decent
job and what I want to do because it is not just me I am caring for any more,
it is me and two kids so it's almost as if your head is in a completely
different place’ (Sophie, 19 years old, with 9 month old son and 21 weeks
pregnant).
Conflict between motherhood role and
taking up opportunities in education, training and employment
‘But I work hard to bring my baby up as
well, because in a cheesy way that the world is better when he is older do you
know? I put my life on hold to look after him so he won't be one of those
teenagers running around with knives and guns and killing people and stuff you
know?’ (Emily, 19 years old, with 15 month old son).
Reliance on family support
‘My Mum won't let me move out or
anything, she just wants me and the baby to stay with her (laughs). I think her
having a baby when she was younger helped her understand my situation a lot.
She really supports me, there is no way I could go to college like I do without
her looking after the baby ‘ (Chloe, 18 years old, with 5 month old
daughter).
Thematic analysis was used to identify
key themes from the transcribed data.20 An inductive approach was taken with codes being
allowed to emerge from the data. E.A. coded the transcripts, with codes being
identified and revised both within and between transcripts. A refinement and
validation exercise was then conducted with the second author and the codes
were subsequently developed into themes.21
Results
The findings are presented under four
themes; the mother identity, stigma, social support and future aspirations.
Further quotes related to each of the key themes are provided in Text boxes 2–5.
The mother identity
Only one of the young mothers interviewed
had planned her pregnancy. Upon discovering they were pregnant the rest of the
young women initially felt shocked and disappointed with themselves. However,
following the birth of the baby the young women's perspectives changed. They
believed that becoming a mother offered them a symbolic identity and a valued
role:
Oh I love it. I didn't expect to be a mum at this age, maybe when I was older, but I love it. I wouldn't change it for the world. I just love getting up of a morning and seeing him and just everything about being a mum really ( Jessica, 17 years old, with 7 month old son).
Although the young women describe
motherhood as a positive experience, this was tempered with realism, they did
not deny that being a mother on a low income is hard, but rather that this is
something they have learned to cope with. The young women all expressed the
opinion that their young age did not affect their ability to be competent
mothers.
Stigma
The mothers were aware of the negative
depiction of teenage mothers within British society. They highlighted the fact
that there were only ever negative stories about young mothers in the media.
Many of the young women had experienced negative reactions from others since
becoming a mother. This was mostly in the form of looks from strangers and
leading them to feel that they were being unfairly judged:
They make a judgement don't they? Like you shouldn't be having a baby so young, like what are they doing? They are only a baby themselves. But I mean, at the end of the day, once you have a baby you have got to grow up, you have got to ( Lucy, 16 years old, with 8 month old son).
The young mothers contested the negative
depictions of them by stressing their ability as mothers. All of the young
mothers interviewed were currently on benefits and four lived in council
houses. However, the stigma that exists around young mothers and benefits meant
that they appeared uncomfortable about this fact and stressed this was a
temporary situation:
‘I come from a family where they work. We work for our money and stuff like that. We don't live off the government unless we have to. So at the moment I have to, because I haven't got any money coming from anywhere else, but I won't be taking it off them forever’ ( Emma, 18 years old, with 6 month old daughter).
Social support
For many of the young mothers interviewed
within their local community, becoming a mother at a young age was viewed as a
normal occurrence. One young mother described how the majority of her friends
already had children and so her having a baby was viewed as normal:
‘I have got quite a few friends with babies. I was pretty much the last one to have a baby and I am the oldest (laughs). So I think it can be quite difficult if all your friends haven't got kids; but if you are like me and you were the last one, you kind of slot into place.’ (Sophie, 19 years old, with 9 month old boy and 21 weeks pregnant).
Therefore, rather than being socially
excluded, many of the young mothers were able to draw upon broad social support
networks to help them in their new role.
For some of the young mothers, their new
role as a mother meant that they now have different interests and priorities
than their friends without children:
It is quite easy to get into a bit of a rut of being stuck in the house. I don't see hardly any of the people I was friends with before I had the baby (Emily, 19 years old, with 15 month old son).
The young mothers had developed new
support networks with other young mothers and trusted staff members through
attending the drop-in centres at the children's centres. This provided them
with significant emotional support, as well as practical advice related to
educational opportunities, benefits, housing and child care.
Future aspirations related to education, training and employment
The young mothers described how becoming
pregnant had disrupted their position in education or employment. However for
many of them, this disruption had started prior to their becoming pregnant.
Several of them expressed how much they had disliked school:
I wish I could go back. But at the time, you want to go out with your mates and stuff don't you? Not do homework and things. I just hated being there (Emily, 19 years old, with 15 month old son).
They described how becoming a mother
meant they had become more mature. They all expressed aspirations to return to
education or employment and did not feel that having a baby was going to stop
them from achieving this goal, in fact it provided them with more determination
to succeed:
‘It hasn't ruined my life, it has made my life better. It has made me want to do something more with my life now I have these two; I want to actually get good training behind me so that I can get a good job for the future’ (Lauren, 18 years old, with 19 month old son and 11 week old daughter).
However, the young women expressed
conflict between fulfilling their role as a mother and engaging in education,
or employment so as not to be dependent upon benefits. They stressed the
importance of being there for their children when they were young.
Nursery care costs were identified as a
barrier to re-entering education or employment and child care support such as
the Care to Learn grant were identified by the young mothers as providing them
both valuable support and the sense that society believed they could achieve if
given the opportunity. However, even with such grants, they relied heavily upon
family support.
Discussion
Main finding of this study
This study provides insight into the
perspectives of young mothers living in a deprived area of the UK. The results
of this study challenge the view that teenage pregnancy predominantly has a
negative impact upon the lives of young women. The young mothers interviewed
did not deny the hardships associated with being a mother on a low income;
however, they viewed motherhood as a positive experience and one which afforded
them a valued social role within their local communities.
They were aware that their young age and
low income meant they were sometimes viewed as being unsuitable mothers by
wider society. However, they rejected the notion that their young age affected
their mothering ability and sought to distance themselves from the negative
depictions of teenage mothers within the media by stressing their competence as
mothers and their future aspirations to not remain on welfare benefits. In this
way, the stigma they experienced reinforced their motherhood identity.
Motherhood led many of the young women to
become more mature and responsible and altered their perspectives on the value
of education and employment. All the young mothers expressed future aspirations
to return to education and employment in order to build a better future for
themselves and their children. However, in common with many older mothers while
their children are young they choose to prioritize motherhood.
The young women relied heavily upon their
families in order to pursue future aspirations. The support of trusted
professionals was also vital in reducing social isolation, and providing
information and advice in relation to health, benefits, housing, childcare and
educational opportunities.
What is already known on this topic
Previous research has investigated the
consequences of becoming a mother while a teenager. This study contributes to a
body of qualitative research that challenges the negative view of teenage
pregnancy.13–16 The study supports
the findings of a systematic review of qualitative studies of teenage mothers'
lives; that young women mothering in difficult circumstances develop and
sustain resilient mothering practices.17
Longitudinal cohort data have been used
in order to attempt to separate the additional impact of parenthood while a
teenager. Such studies do find that teenage motherhood has a negative impact on
health and especially mental health outcomes, and that this may be explained by
material deprivation and the lower levels of emotional support available to
young mothers.22 The relatively worse
position of young mothers and their children compared with those who start
child bearing later, therefore, may reflect the fact that young mothers are
from, and continue to be, a disadvantaged group.23
Studies have found that that low
educational expectations and dislike of school are associated with teenage
pregnancy.8,24–26 In keeping with our
findings previous qualitative studies reveal that for many young mothers,
disruption to education and employment occurs pre-pregnancy and that becoming pregnant
may lead to changed perceptions and a reassessment of priorities for the sake
of their child.27–30
There is evidence that interventions
which focus upon enhancing maternal mental health and wellbeing and promoting
positive parent and child relationships may have positive long-term benefits.
In particular, holistic support programmes using trusted staff members who
assess individual need and provide support for health, benefits, housing,
education and employment opportunities appear to improve outcomes for young mothers
and their children.31–33 However, such support
programmes do not directly tackle issues such as financial hardship, lack of
appropriate housing or childcare and this may limit their effectiveness in the
long term.34
What this study adds
This study builds upon previous
qualitative research and reveals motherhood to be a valued symbolic identity
for these young women. For young women who have a dislike of school, motherhood
provides an identity where they believe that they are more likely to succeed.
Therefore rather than be the outcome of low expectations, these young women can
see the social and personal fulfilment in having a baby—in other words they
have high expectations.5 This has implications
for policies designed to support young mothers, which may fail to recognize the
valued social role that motherhood can provide.
Teenage pregnancy may be a catalyst for
positive change, becoming a mother may alter perspectives on the value of
education, training, and employment opportunities. It is vital that support
services recognise this opportunity and support young mothers to achieve their
aspirations. However, insights from this and other qualitative studies reveal such
opportunities need to flexible as while their children are young the young
women choose to prioritise motherhood.35 In order for the
young mothers to take up such opportunities reliable and affordable childcare
needs to be available.
The young women described how becoming
mother increased their risk of social isolation. The drop-in sessions at the
children's centre provided an opportunity to develop new friendships and
support networks centred on their mother identity. The young mothers
interviewed benefited from the support of trusted professional based within the
children's centres. They provided young mothers with help in approaching and
navigating often disjointed services and as such were vital in coordinating
support to better match young mothers' needs. This included support in relation
to reducing poverty and improving living conditions through access to benefits
and housing advice.
Holistic support programmes appear
promising in improving health and social outcomes, therefore the recent
announcement related to the extension of the Family Nurse Partnership, a
preventive programme offered to first time mothers aged ≤19, is welcome.36 However, current cuts
to the public sector are hitting services on which young mothers rely for
support; 580 Sure Start Centres have closed since 201037,38 and services that
support young parents find education and employment opportunities have also
been reduced.39 Reductions in such
services are likely to have a negative impact on the health and wellbeing of
young mothers and their children.
Limitations of this study
This study cannot claim to be
representative of all young mothers in the North West of England, or more
broadly. However, an attempt has been made to provide sufficient descriptive
details of the research setting and participants so that those reading can make
an informed judgement about whether the findings generated are transferable to
their setting.40
The young mothers were recruited via
drop-in centres at children's centres so they may have been more engaged with
services and therefore less socially isolated than young mothers who did not
attend the drop-in centres (6 of the 10 young mothers lived with their families
or partners). All the mothers interviewed were of White British origin and
therefore findings may not reflect the experiences of young mothers from
different ethnic groups.41 This study set out to
explore the perspectives of young mothers, therefore we did not conduct
interviews with young fathers who are an important group for further research.5
Conclusions and policy recommendations
Motherhood may be a positive experience
that makes sense in the lives of young women from disadvantaged backgrounds. To
be effective, policies designed to support young mothers need to recognize the
valued social role motherhood provides these young women. Holistic support
programmes appear to be both popular with young mothers and promising in terms
of improving long-term outcomes. Current cuts to local authority budgets may
threaten such services. Public health professionals have a key role to play in
influencing local authority decision making on cuts to local services. We must
advocate for more equitable welfare reforms, which protect services that
support the most vulnerable, such as young mothers and their children.
Many of the negative long-term outcomes
experienced by young mothers may be as a result of their disadvantaged position
within society. Policy interventions should therefore focus upon reducing
poverty as a route to improving outcomes for young mothers and their children.
Authors’ contributions
E.A. and D.S. designed the study and
wrote the study protocol. E.A. carried out the qualitative interviews and data
transcription. E.A. and D.S. analysed the data. All authors contributed to the
drafting of the paper and approved the final submitted version.
Funding
E.A. is an National Institute for Health
Research (NIHR) Academic Clinical Fellow in Public Health.
Acknowledgements
The authors thank the young mothers who
participated in this study.
- © The Author 2014. Published by Oxford University Press on behalf of Faculty of Public Health. All rights reserved. For permissions, please e-mail: journals.permissions@oup.com.
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: http://jpubhealth.oxfordjournals.org/content/37/2/269.full
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